The Royal Arsenal of Famagusta during
the Lusignan (1191-1374)
the Genoese (1374-1464) and
the Venetian period (1489-1571)

During the 14th and 15th centuries Famagusta harbour enjoys a both a spectacular commercial prosperity but also an important military presence. Travellers to Cyprus testify to the enormous wealth the city enjoyed particularly after the fall of Acre to the Muslims in 1291. Famagusta then took over the role of the entrepot of east-west trade and a large number of Syrian merchants established themselves in the city. Europeans too took a liking to the city and Genoese, Venetian and Pisans enjoyed the privileges offered to them by the Lusignan kings. Ηowever no remains of Arsenals of the medieval period are to be found today in Cyprus. As all were parts of fortifications that surrounded the port (Famagusta, Paphos, Kyrenia) constructions both during the Ottoman occupation as well as later on during the British rule, destroyed all remains.

Famagusta

Plan of the city and the port of Famagusta by Vincenzo Maria Coronelli, Il Mediterraneo Descritto, 1706

One of the earliest mentions of the Arsenal of Famagusta is that in the Chronique d'Amadi (1306-1310), where the anonymous author records that Amaury Lord of Tyre, after seizing power from his brother King Henry the II, set about to improve the fortifications of the city of Famagusta by enlarging the castle and fortifying the area from the Sea Gate to the Tower of the Arsenal. Travellers narrate that the Arsenal lay close to the Fist Market at the northern most edge of the fortified town. The medieval port of Famagusta was located at the eastern part of the city, sheltered from the southeasterly winds by a line of islets and reefs extending parallel to the shore. It was a double port, consisting of two basins, and outer one and an inner anchorage. The inner port was built with a wooden quay on the shore, extending in front of the city gate and the castle protecting the port. In the southern section of the port was the arsenal, the access to which was through a gate in the maritime walls of the town. In this arsenal small commercial vessels with reduced tonnage were constructed. Detailed and rare information concerning the Royal Arsenal of Famagusta is found within a document published by Professor Jean Richard. The publication entitled "Le Dossier d'une nonciature en Chypre (1327-1330) - Les Comptes de l'eveque Geraud de Paphos et les Constructions Navales en Chypre" has to do with the accounts that the above Bishop was ordered to bring back to Pope Jean XXII. In 1327 the Pope designated two apostolic bishops to travel to Cyprus to look into the accounts of Geraud de Veyrines, who was at the head of the Latin bishopric of Paphos between the years 1323-1327. Bishop Geraud also undertook to order in Cyprus the building of ships for the Armenians of Cilicia, who suffered under the attacks of the Mameluks. The details of the orders of the building of the ships are found within the documents of these accounts. As Jean Richard notes: The accounts concerning the building of the two ships are detailed. Starting with the initial expenses (10 August 1325) to the completion of the ships (in May 1326) all details are available to us: number of nails and pieces of wood, number of working days etc. What we know less is the kind of boats they built and their tonnage. The account gives the ship the name "tafforesiae". We know that this kind of ship is used exclusively for the transportation of horses because of the high double doors; but in Cyprus, the word apparently had a different meaning. As Pegolotti points out in his Glossary placed at the beginning of Pratica della mercatura, the word ‘taferese in Cipri', means little light boat, with a sail and a dozen of oars.

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The document brings to light details concerning the construction of the above boats at the Royal Arsenal of Famagusta. Cyprus possessed the ideal kind of timber for the construction of boats that was very precious in the Orient. Egypt had no such wood, Syria was also poor and the slopes of Troodos in Cyprus furnished the Arsenal of Famagusta with the planks in large dimensions, necessary for the construction of the ships. All other material necessary was also found on the island and there was no need for imports: iron and nails, oakum, ropes, resin and sailing cloth was offered by Cypriot merchants to the "masters" that worked for the account of the apostolic bishop. The names of the technicians "the masters" are also of interest to historians. Amongst them the names of the carpenters were usually Cypriot (Georgios from Nicosia, carpenter Leoni, Basilis, son of Corvarii and Theodoro Romaniti and Georgio Romaniti, and Coste and Micheli Romathi). Next to them other names evoking the kingdom of Jerusalem, the principality of Antioch, or the county of Tripolis: Master Jacques de Saiette (Sidon), Pierre de Sur (Tyre), Simon Muchi from Tripolis, Etienne de Crac, Jean de Tripoli, Philippe de Cayphas. Jean Richard rightfully wonders in his text whether all these people were "Franks" that came over to Cyprus from the Holy Land, or Syrians. But other names refer to "Franks" that established themselves in the island from the West such as: boat-builder Jean le Petit, Bertrand from Famagusta, master Jean Oiselet (Oseleti) or Dominique, son of Antony. Master Boat Builder Guillaume of Barcelona, or caulker Guillaume d'Albenga, or yet Ubertino de Plaisance who provided the biscuits. All betray through their names their late arrival on the island, just like the Pisans who were the sellers of the cypress planks and also the captains to bring the boats to Armenia. This ‘melange' of Westerners, Greeks from Cyprus, Syrians and Franks of the Holy Land is very characteristic of the population of Famagusta of the 14th century. The accounts describe the daily work of these people who worked in the Arsenal of Famagusta together with their sons and their "boys". It is strange to note that carpenters came from Nicosia and worked in Famagusta (apparently Famagusta did not have specialised technicians); they were paid in advance one month worth of salary; the payment is actually quiet irregular; it usually corresponds to one weeks work, other times people are paid by the day, and other times for a month. The master carpenter receives a salary that is rarely inferior to 1 besant per day, reaching sometimes even 1.5 besants per day. His aids were paid less: Master Simon of Nicosia receives 45 besants for a months work, one of his sons receives for the same amount of time 30 besants, whereas another ‘boy' is paid only 15. His slave receives 3 besants and 36 deniers. The presence of slaves in the ship construction is not surprising: foreign help was abundant in Cyprus at the time, but it is interesting to note that slaves acquired higher positions. A slave named Hassan is mentioned and is qualified as a King's slave and was the guardian of the Royal Arsenal of Famagusta. He spends a lot of his time in the building of the "tafforees" the small light ships destined to Armenia, and his work receives the same wages as the ones received by the Master Carpenter (1 besant per day). He also has two slaves as aids. From the accounts we conclude that the Royal Arsenal of Famagusta was adequately equipped with both the necessary technicians and the necessary material to provide all reparation to ships that came in; but we also know that the Arsenal was capable of constructing the ships. However, the main occupation was that of reparation and not of construction.

In 1372, the king of Cyprus ordered to fabricar et fortificar le muraglie del arsina de Famagusta.' along with the fortification of the walls of the town against the expected attack by the Genoese. The entrance to the harbour was protected by a tower built on the northern reef at the end of the natural breakwater and by a maritime castle, build on land. A chain closed the entrance. During the Genoese occupation of the city (1374-1464) and from the account of the Massaria we know that a quarter developed around the Arsenal and the tower. In 1443 the treat of the Mameluk fleet made the Genoese reinforce the Arsenal (scharium) and close the gateway of the Arsenal for security reasons . Famagusta follows orders received from Genoa and the Officium Gazarie for shipping, control of the equipment, and everything regarding naval control.

Leontios Machairas, a chronicler during the Lusignan and the Genoese reign often refers to the Arsenal. In Greek he refers once to "arsinallin" (from the Arabic dar ac-cina ah, meaning house of art, workshop) and mostly to "tzardachana"(from the Venetian zardachana) or "transinallin". In the Chronicle Makhairas narrates the Kings efforts (both Peter's I (1359-1369) and King Peter II (1369-1382) to collect money for a crusade against the Turks but also their quarrels and battles with the Genoese. Both Kings order the building of galleys for their needs, but there is no specific mention as to the character of the Arsenal, the people working at it and its exact location. King Peter fitted out forty-six ships, small and great belonging to Cyprus §118 And at once (the King) ordered them to fit out ten galleys.§ 194 The King sent word to the admiral that he should tell the people to make ready and that he should fit out as many ships as he could. And he immediately fitted out twenty-eight galleys.§200 We know the tower was round and that it occupied the whole are between the tower and the Camposanto Bastion. No traces of this large and important arsenal remain today. The king, should bring away the men and the material of war which was in the arsenal and which the king had put there.§366 And if any one were found in the possession of weapons, and no handing them over to the royal arsenal, they would cut off his head.§442 When the king saw the goodwill of the lords, he sent word to his brother in Cyprus to fit out all the ships that are in the arsenal at Famagusta and as many others as are to be found in the island.§ 160 Any one who is willing to go to the Sultan's country to pillage, can go, and they may come back again to Cyprus to rest and then go there again, and they shall be given at Famagusta whatever they may need from the arsenal. And they tried to come towards Famagusta, and came to the round tower of the arsenal.

hrough the marriage of the last Lusignan king of Cyprus to Caterina Cornaro, the island passed into the hands of Venice. Throughout the period we know from the archives of Venice that the government of Cyprus contributed to the needs of the Arsenal of Venice mainly by shipping goods. On the 30th January 1520 we read: All the treasuries of the Venetian Republic and especially the Treasury of Cyprus had to contribute 10 ducats monthly to the Arsenal of Venice. Cyprus never obeyed and the Council of Ten decided to ask the Government of Cyprus to send to corresponding amount in cotton with the ships that would sail in March so as to be able to fabricate the fustagno, for the needs of the Arsenal . In other documents of the decisions of the Council of ten, we are informed that Cyprus send the Venetian Arsenal 1000 ducats and cotton , whereas in 1527 Cyprus sends wheat and cotton . In 1528 we read that the Public Treasury of Cyprus sent 190 ducats annually to the Arsenal of Venice . After the Venetian took over the Administration of Cyprus in 1489, architects and mechanics brought in from Venice undertook a program of restoration and enforcement of the existing Lusignan fortifications. Ascanio Savorgnano, a specialist in military architecture, after visiting the fortifications made a detailed account of the works to be undertaken so that the city would be ready for an eventual Ottoman attack. Before these alterations were finished, the Turks besieged the city.